The New Economic Period (1921-1928) brought unexpected challenges. Lenin characterised the NEP in 1922 as an economic system that would include "a free market and capitalism, both subject to state control", while socialised state enterprises would operate on "a profit basis". Yet, many young people saw it as their duty, and the duty of the Communist Party, to eliminate all elements of Western culture from society. Unable to reconcile with the state's proposed blend of Communism and limited Capitalism, there was a decline in youth interest. Membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members, representing only 6% of the eligible youth population.

Only when Stalin came to power and abandoned the NEP in the first Five Year Plan (1928–1933) did membership increase drastically. The Komsomol's ambitious goal of gender equality led them to vigorously recruit young women. With women primarily relegated to domestic roles, membership in the Komsomol promised an education often denied to young girls. The Soviets encouraged women to take an active role in the new system, participating in the same activities and work as their male counterparts. However, despite the Communist Party's rhetoric of equality, men dominated both the governing body and the Komsomol's leadership. Upward mobility for women remained difficult. Additionally, the organisation openly encouraged its female members to pursue traditionally nurturing roles as teachers of young Soviets.

The Komsomol adopted meritocratic, supposedly class-blind membership policies in 1935. Ironically, this resulted in a decline in working-class youth members and a dominance by better-educated youth. Both the urban and rural populations had problems with the Komsomol's attempts to unify them. Rural parents feared the negative influence of city dwellers on their children due to the League's urban-centred administration. Furthermore, land-owning peasants were particularly resistant to the government's revocation of private ownership. Meanwhile, the urban population viewed itself as superior to the peasants, seeing rural members as backward and uneducated.

Anthems and Oaths: Shaping Young Soviets

Indoctrination started at birth. The promise of a socialist utopia couldn't be left to chance. Up until age nine, children were called Little Octoberists, proudly wearing a star-shaped badge with a young Lenin on their uniform lapels. Each group was led by a Young Pioneer, fueling their aspiration to join the ranks one day. After age 14, Young Pioneers graduated to the Komsomol (the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League). Their badge was replaced with one bearing Lenin's adult image—a symbol of their revolutionary status. After graduating from the Komsomol at age 28, a demonstrated history of active participation was an important consideration when it came to employment or leadership positions within the Communist party. 

Membership was technically voluntary, but deeply ingrained as a rite of passage for parents and children alike. Millions spent months memorising anthems and bylaws before attending solemn oath-swearing ceremonies at regional Pioneers Palaces. Anthems and chants were key tools for instilling communist ideology and party loyalty. "Young Pioneer, be prepared to fight for the cause of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union!" and "Only those who love to work are called the Octoberists" were the rallying cries of the era. While the Komsomol had little direct influence on the Communist Party, it was vital in shaping the values of the younger generation.

The ideal Communist youth wasn't just an asset to the organisation, but also "lived correctly." Every aspect of a Komsomolets's life was expected to align with Party doctrine. The Novyi Byt (The New Way of Life) campaign was central to this, with Komsomol leadership promoting the qualities of the ideal young communist. This New Soviet Man was to be "a lively, active, healthy, disciplined youngster who subordinates himself to the collective and is prepared for and dedicated to learn, study, and work." Through strict guidelines, the Komsomol denounced traits seen as harmful: smoking, drinking, religion, and any activity deemed "hooliganism."

The Komsomol also spearheaded anti-religious campaigns. The new communist regime sought to dismantle the Orthodox church's limited control, finding willing participants in the youth who were eager to break from old traditions. The Komsomol rallied members to march, declaring independence from religion. Children were encouraged to create "atheist's corners" at home with anti-religious imagery and poems like "I am Godless"—the state's attempt to replace traditional icons. Yet, youthful zeal led to problems: open harassment of church members tarnished the Komsomol's image among older generations. When the League toned down its anti-religious rhetoric, youthful interest waned.

From Literacy to Labour: The Komsomol on the Front Lines

As part of the cultural revolution, Komsomol members launched a campaign to wipe out illiteracy. They introduced a new form of mass technical training for workers called tekhminimum courses. In the 1930s, thousands of young people received elementary education in technical schools, with the Komsomol organisation overseeing the process.

Staunchly loyal to the State, more than 3 million Komsomol members joined the Red Army during The Great Patriotic War, fighting off the advancing Nazis in freezing temperatures. Young people also played a vital role behind enemy lines, forming underground Komsomol organisations. Meanwhile, back home, over 150,000 Komsomol and Young Pioneers supported their comrades on the front line by working in the fields and factories. Young people made up 70% of the trained operators of agricultural machinery, and more than 3.5 million Komsomol members were decorated with orders and medals.

The Komsomol also served as a mobile pool of labour and political activism, able to relocate to areas of high priority at short notice. In the 1940s and 1950s, they helped construct major hydraulic works such as the Volga-Don Canal and hydropower stations like the Lenin, Kuybyshev, and Kakhovka stations. In 1954, more than 350,000 members voluntarily moved to Kazakhstan and Siberia to cultivate virgin lands for agricultural use, spreading the vision of a Socialist utopia. Between 1961 and 1966, more than 1,050 industrial facilities were built as part of the all-Union Komsomol shock-work construction projects. Among the projects completed with their active participation were the Dnieper Hydroelectric Station (Dneproges), the Moscow and Gorky Automobile Plants, the Stalingrad Tractor Plant, and the Magnitogorsk Metallurgical Plant.

In the late 70s, membership exceeded 40 million children across all three youth organisations. The Komsomol sought to provide its members with alternative leisure activities promoting societal improvement. These included volunteer work, sports, political and drama clubs, and the opportunity to attend a yearly 3-week summer camp paid for by the state. Every year, millions attended one of the more than 40,000 summer camps across the Soviet Union. Being a Komsomol member also meant certain privileges, like organising dances. Such evenings were usually preceded by an ideological lecture of some sort, but really, everybody just came there to dance.

By the end of the 1980s, the number of Komsomol members fell to 35 million, and by 1991, to 26 million. Young people simply didn’t bother joining the Komsomol anymore, partly because the Communist Party was in deep crisis. In 1989, Komsomol organisations of the Lithuanian and Estonian Soviet republics detached themselves from the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, which was finally disbanded in September 1991. As former Soviet republics gained independence, many closed the Young Pioneer Palaces – some were even converted into strip clubs or casinos.